Prisoner#1 said:
koods said: Joie, this is a pointless exercise. The gun freaks will say and do anything to keep their toys. If you make a valid point with honest data, they just make pointless analogies like somehow the 2nd amendment has anything to do with breathing, or your sourced data is sourceless or isn't credible.
"ban anything not protected by the 2nd amendment"
As passed by Congress
Quote: A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.
breathing isnt covered, ARMS is covered
protected by the second amendment
http://www.thefreedictionary.com/arms
Quote: 1. A weapon, especially a firearm: troops bearing arms; ICBMs, bombs, and other nuclear arms. 2. A branch of a military force: infantry, armor, and other combat arms. 3. arms a. Warfare: a call to arms against the invaders. b. Military service: several million volunteers under arms; the profession of arms. 4. arms a. Heraldry Bearings. b. Insignia, as of a state, an official, a family, or an organization. v. armed, arm�ing, arms v.intr. 1. To supply or equip oneself with weaponry. 2. To prepare oneself for warfare or conflict. v.tr. 1. To equip with weapons: armed themselves with loaded pistols; arm a missile with a warhead; arm a nation for war. 2. To equip with what is needed for effective action: tax advisers who were armed with the latest forms. 3. To provide with something that strengthens or protects: a space reentry vehicle that was armed with a ceramic shield. 4. To prepare (a weapon) for use or operation, as by releasing a safety device.
Well, that list is just misinformed opinion. I have repeatedly suggested you read heller, which is the only opinion that matters. Like it or not, the free dictionary doesn't define the bredth of the 2nd amendment, the Supreme Court does. Here is the heller opinion. It is 157 pages long. If you want to really understand what you are talking about, read the whole thing. http://www.scotusblog.com/wp-content/uploads/2008/06/07-290.pdf
Here are the relevant parts that show how ridiculous that list of yours is:
Quote: ...We therefore read Miller to say only that the Second Amendment does not protect those weapons not typically possessed by law-abiding citizens for lawful purposes, such as short-barreled shotguns. That accords with the historical understanding of the scope of the right, see Part III, infra.. ... Like most rights, the right secured by the Second Amendment is not unlimited. From Blackstone through the 19th-century cases, commentators and courts rou- tinely explained that the right was not a right to keep and carry any weapon whatsoever in any manner whatsoever and for whatever purpose. See, e.g., Sheldon, in 5 Blume 346; Rawle 123; Pomeroy 152–153; Abbott 333. For exam- ple, the majority of the 19th-century courts to consider the question held that prohibitions on carrying concealed weapons were lawful under the Second Amendment or state analogues. See, e.g., State v. Chandler, 5 La. Ann., at 489–490; Nunn v. State, 1 Ga., at 251; see generally 2 Kent *340, n. 2; The American Students’ Blackstone 84, n. 11 (G. Chase ed. 1884). Although we do not undertake an exhaustive historical analysis today of the full scope of the Second Amendment, nothing in our opinion should be taken to cast doubt on longstanding prohibitions on the possession of firearms by felons and the mentally ill, or laws forbidding the carrying of firearms in sensitive places such as schools and government buildings, or laws impos- ing conditions and qualifications on the commercial sale of arms.
We also recognize another important limitation on the right to keep and carry arms. Miller said, as we have explained, that the sorts of weapons protected were those “in common use at the time.” 307 U. S., at 179. We think that limitation is fairly supported by the historical tradi- tion of prohibiting the carrying of “dangerous and unusual weapons.” See 4 Blackstone 148–149 (1769); 3 B. Wilson, Works of the Honourable James Wilson 79 (1804); J. Dunlap, The New-York Justice 8 (1815); C. Humphreys, A Compendium of the Common Law in Force in Kentucky 482 (1822); 1 W. Russell, A Treatise on Crimes and Indict- able Misdemeanors 271–272 (1831); H. Stephen, Summary of the Criminal Law 48 (1840); E. Lewis, An Abridgment of the Criminal Law of the United States 64 (1847); F. Wharton, A Treatise on the Criminal Law of the United States 726 (1852). See also State v. Langford, 10 N. C. 381, 383–384 (1824); O’Neill v. State, 16 Ala. 65, 67 (1849); English v. State, 35 Tex. 473, 476 (1871); State v. Lanier, 71 N. C. 288, 289 (1874). It may be objected that if weapons that are most useful in military service—M-16 rifles and the like—may be banned, then the Second Amendment right is completely detached from the prefatory clause. But as we have said, the conception of the militia at the time of the Second Amendment’s ratification was the body of all citizens capable of military service, who would bring the sorts of lawful weapons that they possessed at home to militia duty. It may well be true today that a militia, to be as effective as militias in the 18th century, would require sophisticated arms that are highly unusual in society at large. Indeed, it may be true that no amount of small arms could be useful against modern-day bombers tanks. But the fact that modern developments have lim- ited the degree of fit between the prefatory clause and the protected right cannot change our interpretation of the right.
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NotSheekle said
“if I believed she was 16 I would become unattracted to her”
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