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Looking Back, Looking Forward - An Anarchist Analysis * 4
    #27004962 - 10/26/20 04:19 PM (3 years, 3 months ago)

The only distinction between a Trump or Biden presidency is that under Trump, the repression will be brutal but widely unpopular, whereas under Biden, it will be more discreet but broadly accepted as legitimate.

What do you think? I came upon it while reading an essay published last month on CrimethInc and it stood out to me. No matter the result of an increasingly turbulent election, it looks like you folks in the USA unsatisfied with the current status quo are going to be fighting against a resistant government if you ever want to see anything of substance change. Don't be overwhelmed by all the electioneering going on – ask yourselves ‘what happens on November 4th?’ Neither candidate is going to establish single-payer healthcare or abolish the police – so what are you going to do to change the conditions of your existence? From Chile to Hong Kong, the anarchist world reports on and studies insurrections to a greater extent than most political ideologies – it's kind of our thing – and a lot of these lessons are now being applied to the reality in the USA. It's an analysis for the near future that differs in some significant ways from the standard 'left' position of establishment politics, and I think it will be both valuable and interesting to many people on these forums. I'll have a further reading section at the end where you can read some of these essays firsthand, but I'll attempt to summarize and combine several of the essays for you here and now because there’s more material than I would expect anyone to read; before we start looking forward though, we should first look back and ensure a solid foundation.

Last May, the USA experienced the largest outbreak of insurrection nationwide since probably the civil rights era – but in a matter of months a movement which began with the burning of a police station has been transformed into one requesting minor amendments to municipal budgets. How did the movement lose its teeth? In September, it was announced that Breonna Taylor's killers would not be charged with her murder – the city government expected riots, the police expected riots, the media expected riots, hell even the people expected riots, but the response was downright tame compared to the open rebellion in spring. The fight continues, but it’s mostly been contained to the realm of legal challenges and political rallies by now. There's no point in starting a fire that we can't keep fuelled, so we need to ask ourselves ‘why did this happen?’ An analysis from the Monthly Review answers:

        "that the massive effort to defang the George Floyd Uprising should be understood as a deliberate counterinsurgency operation, combining the (sometimes coordinated) efforts of: various police forces, the capitalist media, the American military, NGOs, the Democrats, both state and federal governments, and other liberal establishment figures. What I also want to show is that these efforts were not extraordinary: there was no shadowy conspiracy to intervene. Rather, each of these apparatuses functioned exactly as intended to in order to defend the existing capitalist order. By examining the response to the George Floyd Uprising, the left can gain a better understanding of just how difficult it will be to overthrow capitalism and the capitalist state and potentially avoid pitfalls in the future."

It goes on to outline a familiar pattern – one I first personally experienced during the Occupy movement of 2011 and yet again last spring in response to the Wet'suwet'en uprising – but by no means one unique to any of these situations – this is a pattern that goes back decades. An essay, published through the academic journal Interface, outlines the counterinsurgency model "with an emphasis on its domestic application, especially in the criminal justice context” and concludes that “many contemporary counterinsurgency practices were developed by police agencies inside the United States and continue to be used against the domestic population." This is why, within the space of two weeks, we went from burning down a police station to making small budgetary demands. If we don’t want to continue to leave ourselves vulnerable to this form of state repression, we need to understand how it operates. With this in mind, let's take a look back.


The Capitalist Media

Capitalist media attempts to control the narrative not by creating reality, but by selectively reporting on certain aspects of reality. In the early days of the uprising, we saw the media focus on four things: (1) first, condemning the riots; (2) second, emphasizing the damage to the community;  (3) third, blaming outside agitators; and (4) fourth, displays of police empathy for the protests.

(1) The initial media reaction to the uprising directly condemned property destruction. After a Target was looted on the night of May 27th, the Star Tribune spent the following day reporting on the impact that riots would have on small businesses. It also printed a call for peace from the family and partner of George Floyd, as well as from 'political, faith, community leaders' calling for an end to riots.

(2) In the following days, the Star Tribune shifted focus to the human cost of the riots to the local community. The publication blamed the riots for creating a food desert due to the closing of large corporate grocery stores. Rioters were also blamed for the lack of access to medicine now faced by the local community due to the closure of pharmacies. Rioters were alleged to have burned down nearly 200 units of affordable housing, thus exacerbating the housing crisis. The riots were presented largely without context, as simply an irrational outburst of anger, alone causing problems to the community – those fighting back against the existing order were blamed for the worst effects of the very order they fought against.

(3) In addition to direct condemnation, the Star Tribune also took a more nuanced approach to the riots. Instead of the riots being an organic expression of community anger, they were presented – both by the media, and the government – as being the work of (usually white) 'outside agitators'.

These various media narratives drive a dual-process of division within the movement. (1) First, to separate 'peaceful' liberal protestors from the more militant element; both to avoid radicalization of moderate protestors but also to isolate the radicals within the movement. (2) Second, to group the radical protestors together with apolitical opportunist looters; and in turn ignore the critiques that the radicals put forward. Thus the establishment attempts to call into being two groups: a group of good, peaceful, moderate protestors – and a second group of opportunist, violent protestors who do not care about the injustices that the protests are about. The tactics and message of the first group are to be lauded, whereas the tactics and message of the second group are to be condemned.

The (4) fourth focus appeared in the media without gaining as much traction. Across both social and traditional media outlets, stories appeared showing police supporting the protests. Most famous were the images of police (and sometimes National Guard) kneeling with the protestors. Often this was displayed as the result of a request from the 'good protestors'. However, in this case reality cut through the media spin: the police were simply too vicious for the 'spontaneous' outpouring of empathy to be taken seriously. The abundant accounts of the same police transitioning from kneeling to attacking protestors within the space of hours prevented this narrative from ever gaining legitimacy.

As the protests continued to spread in early June to become nationwide, the media was forced to drop the focus on the “outside agitator” platitude as well. With protests in literally every major city in the United States, there was no longer an outside for the agitators to come from. In response, the media turned to focusing almost exclusively on the efforts of liberal NGOs engaged in 'rebuilding' efforts, and the activities of the 'good' protestors. Finally, towards mid-June, with the protests now largely contained and the radical element isolated, the media began once again largely ignoring the massive protests that are still occurring – only providing local coverage of incidental events.

The same pattern (from demonization, to outside agitators, to focusing on the community cost, the good/bad protestor division, the police sympathy, to NGOs and liberals, to ultimately ignoring the movement) was repeated more-or-less within all major media sources in North America. Why was this the case? The similarity in editorial line between media companies does not indicate direct coordination between media owners. It makes total sense that the media would relay a narrative which had as its effect the defanging of the movement – such an action is absolutely within the interests of the capitalists who control the media. The capitalist class, by owning the media and therefore controlling its content, was able to utilize media narratives as part of the counterinsurgency effort against the George Floyd Uprising.


Police Public Relations

The goal of police public relations, like any public relations campaign, is to influence how the public views the police. The idea is to build preconceptions about the role of police, thus filtering any observations through this preconceived image – this allows the police to have greater impunity in their actions, as anything they do is seen immediately through the lens of police being good and necessary protectors. Still, despite the best efforts of the police, their unions, and their employed PR firms, they have rarely able to shift the broader media narrative for more than a few days since the start of the uprising – the brutal actions of police across the United States spoke for themselves and undermined attempts to portray the police in a positive light.

Still, while ultimately unsuccessful, the wave of pro-police media in spring gave credibility to the more moderate argument that the institution of policing itself is not the problem, and could be reformed. This in turn gave more ideological power to moderate elements, the so-called good protestors, within the broader protest movement. This is turn weakened the protest movement overall. Once again, this doesn't necessitate coordination between police and protestors – the interests of the police and the interests of moderate elements pushing for reform naturally align and contribute to the counterinsurgency effort.


The Non-Profit Industrial Complex

The negative effects of non-profits on social movements has already been written about in-depth. In the collection of essays titled ‘The Revolution Will Not Be Funded: Beyond the Non-Profit Industrial Complex', Andrea Smith argues that capital and the capitalist state use nonprofits to: monitor and control social movements, divert public resources into private hands, manage and control dissent, redirect activist efforts towards careerism and away from mass-based modes of organizing, allow corporations to mask exploitation through philanthropy, and encourage social movements to model themselves in terms of structure and politics after capitalist models.

How is it that non-profits are able to moderate social movements? I’ll go into brief detail here, but I recommend checking out the further reading section if you want a more involved analysis. This role of NGOs isn’t a new development – the civil rights and anti-police movements are full of examples of the moderating effects of NGOs. One example, in the 1960s white philanthropist Stephen Currier set up the Council for United Civil Rights Leadership in order to channel foundation funding to civil rights groups. The so-called ‘Big Six’ were brought together; of the six, the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee, the most radical of the groups, received the least amount of funding. More radical groups, such as the Nation of Islam, were completely excluded. Malcolm X specifically criticized the Big Six and the Council for United Civil Rights Leadership in his famous Message to the Grass Roots speech. The goal of these maneuvers by white philanthropists was clear: fund the more moderate element of the civil rights movement to avoid the movement taking a radical turn and undermining the ability for American capitalism to operate.

Fast forward 50 years, and the same pattern plays out again in 2014 Ferguson. There the NGO influence was given an organizational existence in the form of Black Lives Matter. I want to be clear here – when speaking of Black Lives Matter I am talking about the official organization and not the broader movement of the same name. Black Lives Matter organized its first major action in 2014 with the Black Lives Matter Freedom Ride in response to the killing of Michael Brown by the Ferguson police, and became the public face of the movement. Despite the Ferguson uprising originating in riots, Black Lives Matter and other organizations planned a series of actions over the course of the summer of 2014 that channelled local activism into safer and less rebellious avenues. Following the Ferguson uprising, the Black Lives Matter movement became a relatively safe outlet for liberals to support and into which the capitalist class could channel outrage. The more moderate elements of the movement, able to secure donations, were able to take centre-stage. Once again, more radical yet equally active groups, such as the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement, received no funding. The effect is that efforts are taken off the streets and channelled into traditional power structures where they are ultimately destined to fail.

And in response to the George Floyd uprising, we saw the pattern repeated yet again in Minneapolis. For instance, the Pillsbury United Communities is an established, well-respected local NGO – it’s part of the non-profit industrial complex, relying on philanthropic intermediaries for much of its funding, which in turn are funded by massive corporations. It came out very vocally in the early stages of the George Floyd Uprising, urging a more liberal and institutional approach to activism as opposed to the riots – it also has close ties to the Minneapolis Police Department and state police through community policing programs. The essay 'Anatomy of a Counterinsurgency' goes into greater detail but I think this brief summary is sufficient for my purposes of illustrating how NGOs act as elements of a counter-insurgency strategy.


The Democrats

The Democrats standard approach to social movements is to absorb, co-opt, and disorganize them. What the Democratic Party sought to do in the wake of the George Floyd Uprising was a combination of co-opting its energies into the Biden 2020 campaign, and repressing anything that remained. Given the unpopularity of Biden and the overall increasing disinterest in electoral politics, the attempt to co-opt the movement has not been totally successful – however, it's still worth examining in order to paint a full picture of the counterinsurgency campaign against the uprising.

At the beginning of the uprising, the Democratic Party machine jumped into motion but was unsure how to act – there was little in the way of official high-level statement or actions for almost a week. Then on June 2nd two fairly major events occurred. (1) First, Biden publicly brought Julian Castro into his campaign; Castro had been a vocal proponent of liberal police reforms during his bid to become the Democratic nominee for president. (2) Second,  Pelosi asked the Congressional Black Caucus to draft a series of police reforms. On June 8th the Justice in Policing Act was revealed. The act is fairly milquetoast – far behind the nebulous demands of the uprising – and does absolutely nothing to abolish or even defund police departments. Nor is the act likely to become law; even if the act was to pass the Republican-majority Senate, Trump has announced his attention to veto it. Rather than an accident, the unlikelihood of the bill passing is a feature, one of the ways in which so-called 'checks and balances' help protect the current order. The Democrats know this; had it been likely to pass the bill would have been even more muted. The inaction of the Democrats in the face of the George Floyd Uprising is not surprising; they are one of the two parties that have overseen the construction and maintenance of the white-supremacist order in the United States. Biden is himself a career segregationist and author of a 1994 crime bill which was a cornerstone in the construction of the modern for-profit prison behemoth. The Congressional Black Caucus has itself helped to make the police a “protected class”, and also contributed to the militarization of police through the 1033 program.

Another example of how this counterinsurgency relies on the (sometimes coordinated) efforts of different groups, Black Lives Matter recently launched a campaign called #WhatMatters2020. The goal of the campaign is to bring “BLM supporters and allies to the polls in the 2020 U.S Presidential Election to build collective power and ensure candidates are held accountable for the issues that systematically and disproportionately impact Black and under-served communities across the nation.” A campaign video calls on people to vote for an America where “police are held accountable” and “where we have access to quality healthcare”. The problem with this campaign, of course, is that neither the Democrats nor the Republicans are even pretending to deliver on promises like this. Biden does not support single-payer healthcare, and was an architect of the current racist criminal justice system. The #WhatMatters2020 campaign is a sheepdog campaign, bringing black people angry at the current injustices of American white-supremacist capitalism out of the streets and back into the Democrat establishment.


Liberal Establishment

When the media began focusing almost exclusively on ‘good’ protestors, the line it was drawing was an artificial one – but by putting forward this ideological pole, the media called into action people who had hitherto not been involved – the media, alongside notable liberal politicians and other establishment figures, created a group of moderate protestors out of inactive liberals who now saw themselves and their own political values reflected in the ongoing uprising. This group came out in the streets with a desire to emphasize and enforce the peaceful aspect of the George Floyd uprising.

The liberal invasion had three main effects on the uprising. (1) First, the influx of liberals into the rallies not only led to the proliferation of protests and an increase in attendance, but also to their pacification; protestors began to self-police, modifying their tactics in line with the interests of the existing order; protestors made sure to demarcate themselves and their actions as “peaceful”, thus robbing themselves of even the spectre of militancy. (2) Second, the influx of liberals into the movement paved the way for false victories; superficial gains that ultimately leave the underlying power structure which gave rise to the protests unchallenged – included here is the “Black Lives Matter" street murals, corporate black-washing campaigns, and massive protest rallies. (3) Third, the influx of liberals into the movement had an effect on defanging the demands of the movement; there was no shortage of liberals assuring other concerned liberals that defunding didn’t actually mean that there would be no police – but even ‘abolish the police’ as a slogan absent a critique of the conditions that give rise to the police is itself a demand that does not cut to the heart of the matter. The police exist because capitalism requires force to defend inequality and exploitation. Without ending exploitation, there will still need to be some form of state apparatus to ensure the continued existence of inequality – there will still be violent, racist coercion whether or not the police exist. The George Floyd Uprising opened the space for discussions about the fundamental nature of society, about capitalism, imperialism, and racial inequality in the USA. Liberals shifted the overton window to exclude visions of radical transformation, instead focusing on the degree to which police budgets should be defunded. The liberal invasion resulted in a defanging of protest tactics, results, and even the demands themselves.




This process of divide and co-opt continues until the radical elements are dead or in prison, and the moderate elements have been reduced to passive voting blocks. Knowing these patterns is the first step to resisting them. In 2011 and 2012, the plaza occupation movements in Spain and Greece, Occupy Wall Street, and the Chilean and Montreal student movements aimed to resolve the tension between the peaceful protestor and outside agitator by seeking to justify direct action to a neutral, liberal audience. Vandalism and rioting were framed as the voice of the unheard – conflicts with the police as the defense of a zone for free expression. Despite this, NGOs and government-ordained 'community leaders' were often successful in their counterinsurgency efforts – convincing the broader public that militancy in the streets are antisocial elements taking advantage of peaceful protests.

By contrast, the movements of 2019 in Hong Kong and Chile embraced the mantra “be water,” precipitating spontaneous clashes with the police as crews merged into crowds only to disperse and reform again elsewhere. Rather than staging symbolic protests outside the perceived institutions of power, street mobilizations attacked precincts, offices, highways, and the material infrastructure of power. A new generation of front-liners emerged, learning how to block streets and fight police in order to fundamentally reshape what is possible in street demonstrations.

Looking to the past year of revolt in Chile, a new approach to struggle that does not seek to resolve the tension between good protestor versus bad rioter has emerged. Rather, it seeks to resolve the tension between the movements in the streets and the diverse struggles outside the realm of street mobilizations. Chilean rebels refused to operate within the social protest paradigm – expanding the struggle beyond street mobilization and transforming the various terrains they inhabit. Indigenous peoples reclaimed land and blockaded rural highways; unlicensed street vendors established new unauthorized street markets; poor families squatted land and built illegal urban communities; unpermitted relief initiatives fought government surveillance and control. The power and intensity of the October 2019 uprising lay in the heterogeneity of the struggles throughout Chile, under the slogan “until dignity becomes a habit” (hasta la dignidad sea un costumbre). The diversity of ways people contested how their lives are governed showed that people were in the streets because everyday life had become miserable, alienating, and denigrating. The forces seeking to stabilize the situation have to contend with the fact that millions of people now believe that the only way to begin a life of dignity is to never return to the normal state of affairs.



Further Reading
~The Other Side of the COIN: Counterinsurgency and Community Policing
~Anatomy of a Counterinsurgency: Efforts to Undermine the George Floyd Uprising
~“Breewayy or the Freeway”: The Rise of America’s Frontliners and Why Louisville Didn’t Burn
~Rhythm and Ritual: Composing Movement in Portland’s 2020 
~Hong Kong: Three Months of Insurrection
~Chile: Looking Back on a Year of Uprising


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Offlineshivas.wisdom
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Re: Looking Back, Looking Forward - An Anarchist Analysis [Re: shivas.wisdom] * 1
    #27004963 - 10/26/20 04:19 PM (3 years, 3 months ago)

reserved


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InvisibleEnlilMDiscord
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Re: Looking Back, Looking Forward - An Anarchist Analysis [Re: shivas.wisdom]
    #27005175 - 10/26/20 06:40 PM (3 years, 3 months ago)

No rational person wants the police abolished,  though.


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OfflineThe Ecstatic
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Re: Looking Back, Looking Forward - An Anarchist Analysis [Re: shivas.wisdom]
    #27005294 - 10/26/20 08:08 PM (3 years, 3 months ago)

First lemme say great insight as always.

I think the problem with looking at the (absolutely refreshing) triumphs in Chile as a model is that, by existing in the imperial center, it’s tough to imagine a scenario where material and social concerns necessitate an eruption of social upheaval. Chile’s come such a long way since Pinochet with so much less than the US, and perhaps BECAUSE they had less. I do see some parallels though. The vampire of neoliberalism is losing out on sources of blood, and the austerity is hitting folks who never thought it would. It’s a shame the US doesn’t have much of an indigenous influence compared to places like Chile and Bolivia. But again I think we can see a lot of parallels between how the dictatorships in the aforementioned countries immediately scapegoated the indigenous in order to divide the social order, not unlike how the state worked overtime to malign Black Lives Matter here in the US. There’s just barely a resurgent, fledgling notion of class consciousness among working class folks in the US. How it adapts to it’s recent growth and power under a Democratic government will tell us a lot about what lies in store.


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OfflineSTPLSD25
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Re: Looking Back, Looking Forward - An Anarchist Analysis [Re: Enlil] * 2
    #27005807 - 10/27/20 07:18 AM (3 years, 3 months ago)

Quote:

Enlil said:
No rational person wants the police abolished,  though.




You know, speak for yourself... Not everyone works for the court system and can avoid any trouble like yourself. Your mythology of police is exclusive to television. They are not out there saving lives, they're out there harassing people for nonviolent "crimes." Police are violent State thugs, and they are not necessary and not needed. I got a gun, baton, pepperspray and flashlights (all the gear a cop shows up with..) The only difference is, I can get to my gear quicker than a cop could get to me, and my gear (unlike the police) aren't going to show up and shoot me.


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"The State is a soulless machine, it can never be weaned from violence to which it owes its very existence"." ~Mahatma Ghandi



“It is through separation that you will win: no representatives, and no candidates!”
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OfflineNonagon Infinity
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Re: Looking Back, Looking Forward - An Anarchist Analysis [Re: STPLSD25]
    #27007548 - 10/28/20 02:26 AM (3 years, 3 months ago)

:takingnotes:


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OfflineAablmd82
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Re: Looking Back, Looking Forward - An Anarchist Analysis [Re: Nonagon Infinity]
    #27008648 - 10/28/20 03:16 PM (3 years, 3 months ago)

Very good analysis shivas. The past couple years have solidified to me the fact that a unified leftist movement is the only way forward. I have friends that took field medic training this summer who are now canvassing for Biden :’(

Lately I’ve been wondering which way left is the most beneficial for us, be it communism, socialism, or anarchism.


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OfflineThe Ecstatic
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Re: Looking Back, Looking Forward - An Anarchist Analysis [Re: The Ecstatic] * 2
    #27094113 - 12/17/20 12:56 PM (3 years, 1 month ago)

Bump


Quote:

The Ecstatic said:
First lemme say great insight as always.

I think the problem with looking at the (absolutely refreshing) triumphs in Chile as a model is that, by existing in the imperial center, it’s tough to imagine a scenario where material and social concerns necessitate an eruption of social upheaval. Chile’s come such a long way since Pinochet with so much less than the US, and perhaps BECAUSE they had less. I do see some parallels though. The vampire of neoliberalism is losing out on sources of blood, and the austerity is hitting folks who never thought it would. It’s a shame the US doesn’t have much of an indigenous influence compared to places like Chile and Bolivia. But again I think we can see a lot of parallels between how the dictatorships in the aforementioned countries immediately scapegoated the indigenous in order to divide the social order, not unlike how the state worked overtime to malign Black Lives Matter here in the US. There’s just barely a resurgent, fledgling notion of class consciousness among working class folks in the US. How it adapts to it’s recent growth and power under a Democratic government will tell us a lot about what lies in store.




Ayy when I submitted this, the MAS hadn’t yet overthrown the right wing coup in Bolivia.


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