Seven Questions: Fernando
Henrique Cardoso
February 27, 2009 - ForeignPolicy.com
When
three former presidents from Latin
America presented the studied judgment of a high-level regional
commission on drugs and democracy this month in Sao Paulo, Brazil, the
verdict was damning: The drug war is a miserable failure.
"Prohibitionist policies based on eradication, interdiction
and
criminalization of consumption simply haven't worked," the former
presidents of Brazil, Mexico, and Colombia wrote in the Wall
Street Journal
on Feb. 23. Despite 30 years of following Washington's instructions on
narcotics policy, the region is still by far the world's largest
cocaine exporter. Worse, organized crime has proliferated; trafficking
networks have grown entrenched; and drug money has infected politics.
Even relatively developed countries such as Mexico have been drawn into
a vortex of spectacular violence and crippling corruption.
The former presidents urge radical changes in global drug
policy.
Their Latin American Commission on Drugs and Democracy recommends
depenalizing the use of marijuana, focusing law enforcement on
trafficking and crime networks, and implementing a strategy of crop
replacement -- not eradication -- for cocaine. With their conclusions
still resonating in Washington and the region, FP's
Elizabeth Dickinson spoke with former Brazilian President Fernando
Henrique Cardoso about where the drug war can and must go next if Latin
American democracy is to be spared.
Foreign Policy:
As a
copresident of the Latin American Commission on Drugs and Democracy,
you have called the U.S. drug war a "failure." What are the major flaws
in the way that the United States and its allies are fighting this war
today?
Fernando Henrique Cardoso: The
[United States]
always looks at the problem as a problem to be fought against -- as a
battle. But it's a different kind of battle. Why not concentrate the
fight against demand instead of trying to put in jail all those drug
users? Probably because there are vested interests -- not only bribery
between police (although this exists), but also the machinery that is
built to fight against the drugs in the traditional way. You have to
have a more open mind: Are we being effective in dealing with the drug
problem just by repressing, or would it be better to focus on the
reduction of the demand and treating the users? The amount of money
spent by the American Treasury on putting people in jail would probably
be reduced if [the United States were to] look at drug use as a health
problem.
FP:
What kinds of
damage is the drug war doing to countries in Latin America today? How
has this fight on drugs contributed to instability?
FC: [The U.S. drug war has]
demoralized democracy.
The population regards the government as inefficient and the policy as
corrupt, and altogether this damages the image of the [United States]
as well as the efficiency of democracy. The [United States'] need to be
strong and hard-line in combating the drugs has caused democracy to
recede.
Look at what's happening in Mexico: It's terrible. To the
government, in spite of its effort, in spite of the war on drugs, the
cost is enormous. Last year something like 8,000 people were killed.
Brazil is not a producer. But the poor people are considered to be
protected by drug traffickers, and this presents a problem to the
government. In Colombia, even today, some people connected to the
political life, members of Congress who are involved in elections, [are
compromised]. In some cities [in Brazil], it is also clear that there
is linkage between election financing and drug traffickers.
FP:
In recent years,
Latin America has seen a rise in the number of drug users within the
continent. Why do you think this is the case?
FC: One of the reasons
is that the United States
has become more self-sufficient in production of marijuana, and so drug
traffickers are imposing more consumption on Latin America. To a large
extent, drug usage is increasing [because] society does not take
seriously the drug problem and assumes that the government can resolve
it by itself. Instead, this requires a mobilization from families,
churches, workers, and unions. We need to spread the awareness of this,
also to try to open more the debate inside society.
FP:
You have advocated
the legalization of marijuana, but not harder drugs. What is the
distinction between these two? How would marijuana legalization improve
the problem?
FC:
Our suggestion is not
to legalize, but to decriminalize. When you legalize you say, it's OK
to use this. We believe that it's better to decriminalize marijuana.
Why? Marijuana corresponds to 90 percent of the consumption of drugs.
If the police are not involved in putting in jail the small consumers,
then the police can concentrate more in fighting the drug trafficking
and more heavy drugs. [That means] the increase of efficiency, better
training, and the No. 1 problem -- trying to control
corruption in the
police department.
It is not reasonable and feasible to ask for decriminalization
in
just one country. This is why our report will be sent to the United
Nations, because we need a global coordination in terms of the approach
to drugs.
FP:
In your policy
recommendations, you suggest that the antinarcotics drive look to the
antismoking campaigns for lessons. Why is tobacco a good model for the
war on drugs?
FC: It's necessary to be much
more effective in
propagating [information about] the effects of drug use. It is
necessary to shock the population by showing them how damaging the use
of drugs could be. And since we have this kind of taboo -- it's better
not to speak about this than to hear the question -- [for
now,] it's
impossible to lead a campaign about this issue. I think that it's
better to open the question, to start campaigns, to put official money
in diffusing these campaigns, and so on and so forth.
FP:
With many examples of negative results, why do Latin
American countries continue to cooperate with U.S. drug policy?
FC:
Because there is an
enormous amount of pressure from the United States and there are no
alternatives. That's why it's important to have a new perspective. The
new paradigm is not to depenalize; it's to decrease demand. If the U.S.
government is not convinced of this point, probably the U.S. government
will continue to exert enormous pressure on the Latin American
countries to follow their position.
FP:
Do you see an
opportunity for change of policy under the Obama administration? What
signs have you seen in that regard thus far?
FC: I think so. I was asked by
the [U.S.] State
Department one year ago to attend a discussion on drugs in Washington.
And at that time, I recognized some signals in the United States that a
new system could be raised. And now because of the new administration
in the United States, I think there is an opportunity to open the
debate.
Fernando Henrique Cardoso was president of Brazil
from 1995 to 2003.